Our read
Qualitative judgments on a five-point scale, not licensed index values. Ranked #37 of 49 markets we cover.
The case for
- Genuinely constrained supply and a defense employment anchor produce durable occupancy.
The case against
- Entry pricing produces going-in yields well below our threshold.
Our stanceInvestor relationships only.
The figures that matter
- Coastal zone replacement obligation
- Required Gov. Code 65590(b) · California Legislature Conversion or demolition may not be authorized without replacement units.
- Deadline to deliver replacement units
- 3 years Gov. Code 65590(b), from commencement of work · California Legislature Same city or county; within three miles of the coastal zone if not feasible closer.
- Eviction lookback that shifts the burden
- 1 year Gov. Code 65590(b) · California Legislature The applicant must prove the evictions were not made to avoid the obligation.
- Population change, San Diego city
- +1.6% +21,625 residents April 1, 2020 to July 1, 2025 · U.S. Census Bureau The county fell 0.5 percent over the same period.
- Building permits 2025, San Diego County
- 11,707 2025, all residential · U.S. Census Bureau About 0.91 percent of stock on our arithmetic.
- Unemployment rate
- 4.7% July 2026, preliminary · U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics
Where we would and would not transact
Most of the regulatory findings in this series govern what an owner may charge. This one governs what an owner may knock down, and it applies to a strip of California that contains a large share of this county's most valuable land.
Section 65590 of the California Government Code, commonly called the Mello Act, applies "within the coastal zone as defined and delineated in Division 20 (commencing with Section 30000) of the Public Resources Code," and requires each local government to comply "in that portion of its jurisdiction which is located within the coastal zone."3
Subdivision (b) is the operative rule. "The conversion or demolition of existing residential dwelling units occupied by persons and families of low or moderate income ... shall not be authorized unless provision has been made for the replacement of those dwelling units with units for persons and families of low or moderate income." The replacement units must be in the same city or county, on the site or elsewhere in the coastal zone where feasible, and "if location on the site or elsewhere within the coastal zone is not feasible, they shall be located within three miles of the coastal zone." They must be "provided and available for use within three years from the date upon which work commenced."3
The trigger is broader than it first appears. Where a unit is occupied by more than one household, the subdivision applies "if at least one such person or family, excluding any dependents thereof, is of low or moderate income." A single qualifying household in a shared unit brings the whole unit within the rule.3
Then the provision an investor should read before running any coastal redevelopment model. "If a substantial number of persons or families of low or moderate income were evicted from a single residential development within one year prior to the filing of an application to convert or demolish that structure, the evictions shall be presumed to have been for the purpose of avoiding the requirements of this subdivision and the applicant for the conversion or demolition shall bear the burden of proving that the evictions were not for the purpose of avoiding the requirements of this subdivision."3
That is a burden-shifting presumption running against the applicant. Emptying a building before filing does not remove the obligation; it creates a rebuttable presumption that you were trying to remove it, and puts the cost of disproving that on you. The obvious sequencing, buy, empty, then apply, is the sequence the statute is written to catch.
We noted the same anticipated maneuver, blocked a different way, in our Northern New Jersey guide: there, a building qualifies for the rent control exemption only if it is genuinely new construction, and the statute states that "mere vacancy shall not be considered an intervening use." Two states, the same expected behavior, two different mechanisms. Both reward the owner who does not try it.
- Applies inside the coastal zone delineated under Division 20 of the Public Resources Code.
- Conversion or demolition may not be authorized without replacement units.
- Replacement units must be available within three years of commencement of work.
- Evictions within one year before the application shift the burden onto the applicant.
Emptying the building first does not remove the obligation. It creates a presumption that you were trying to, and hands you the burden of disproving it.
The small project exemption is conditional, and it is often described as if it were not
Sources 3 California Legislature
The Mello Act does contain relief for smaller projects. It is narrower than it is usually reported to be, and the qualification is in the same sentence.
The statute provides that the replacement requirement "shall not apply to the following types of conversion or demolition unless the local government determines that replacement of all or any portion of the converted or demolished dwelling units is feasible, in which event replacement dwelling units shall be required." The exemption is conditional on a local finding, not automatic.3
The first listed category is "the conversion or demolition of a residential structure which contains less than three dwelling units, or, in the event that a proposed conversion or demolition involves more than one residential structure, the conversion or demolition of 10 or fewer dwelling units." So a duplex is within the category, and a multi-structure project of ten units or fewer is too, but in either case a local determination that replacement is feasible restores the obligation.3
The second category covers conversion or demolition for a nonresidential use that is "coastal dependent" or "coastal related" as those terms are defined in the Public Resources Code, provided the use is consistent with the certified local coastal program. The statute gives visitor-serving commercial or recreational facilities and coastal-dependent industry as examples. Even there, where the local government makes the determination and authorises the conversion, "it shall require replacement of any dwelling units occupied by persons and families of low or moderate income."3
We set this out at length because the ten unit figure circulates as though it were a safe harbor. On the statute's own words it is not one. It is a category that a local government may decline to exempt, and any underwriting that treats a ten unit coastal demolition as free of replacement obligations is relying on a discretion it does not control.
Subdivision (d) then adds a forward-looking requirement that applies to new construction rather than to demolition. "New housing developments constructed within the coastal zone shall, where feasible, provide housing units for persons and families of low or moderate income," and where that is not feasible on site, the local government shall require the developer to provide it elsewhere in the same city or county, inside the coastal zone or within three miles of it. The same subdivision requires each local government to "offer density bonuses or other incentives" to assist, so the obligation comes with a compensating mechanism.3
- The exemption applies unless the local government finds replacement feasible.
- Categories are a structure of fewer than three units, or ten or fewer units across multiple structures.
- Coastal dependent and coastal related conversions still require replacement once authorized.
- New coastal housing must include low or moderate income units where feasible.
The ten unit figure is not a safe harbor. It is a category the local government may decline to exempt, and the decision is not yours.
The city grew while the county shrank, which is the reverse of what we keep finding
Sources 2 U.S. Census Bureau
In four of the large metros we have published, the core county lost residents while the surrounding ring gained them. San Diego runs the other way, and that is the most useful fact in this guide after the statute.
San Diego County fell 0.5 percent between April 2020 and July 2025, a loss of 16,400 residents. Over the same period the City of San Diego grew 1.6 percent, adding 21,625. The city gained more people than the county lost, which means the balance of the county gave up more than the city added.2
The coastal cities are part of that. Oceanside fell 2.1 percent, losing 3,675 residents. Chula Vista is essentially unchanged; Census reports its percentage change as too small to display rather than as a number, and we report it that way rather than rounding it to zero.2
Compare that with Portland, where Multnomah County lost 20,009 while its suburbs gained, or the Bay Area, where San Francisco lost 52,471 and only outlying Contra Costa grew. San Diego is the counter-example: the dense, expensive, renter-heavy city is the part that is growing. For an owner of urban multifamily that is a materially better setup than any of those markets offer.2
The city is also the renter market. San Diego city is 47.3 percent owner-occupied, so 52.7 percent of households rent, against 45.4 percent county-wide. Median household income in the city is $108,077, slightly above the county at $106,268, and the poverty rate is 11.0 percent against 10.1 percent.2
The affordability position is mid-range by the standards of coastal California. Median gross rent countywide is $2,246, which takes about 25.4 percent of median household income on our arithmetic, well below the 35.9 percent we measured in the Bronx and above the 21 to 22 percent range across the Bay Area. Owning with a mortgage costs $3,184, a gap of $938 a month over renting, wide enough that the purchase option is not a near substitute. Median home value of $854,700 is about 8.0 times county median income.2
Supply is moderate. The county permitted 11,707 units in 2025 against 1,287,607 units of stock, about 0.91 percent. Census publishes permits and housing unit counts for the county rather than for the individual cities here, so we do not break that figure down further.2
- The county lost 16,400 residents; the city gained 21,625.
- Oceanside, on the coast, lost 2.1 percent of its population.
- The city is 52.7 percent renters, deeper than the county.
- Rent takes about 25.4 percent of income; permits run about 0.91 percent of stock.
Portland, Boston and San Francisco all show a shrinking core and a growing ring. San Diego shows the opposite, and the growing part is the renter market.
The employment table is stable overall and contains two declines an owner should size deliberately.
On preliminary Bureau of Labor Statistics figures for July 2026, total nonfarm employment was 1,564,100 against a civilian labor force of 1,634,400, with unemployment at 4.7 percent. Of eleven supersector rows, four advanced, two were unchanged and five declined.1
Education and health services grew 5.1 percent to 284,300, the fastest rate in the table and the largest supersector in the metro. Other services grew 4.3 percent and leisure and hospitality 2.0 percent. Professional and business services, at 263,500, was exactly unchanged over the year, which we report as flat rather than as growth.1
The first soft spot is government, down 2.5 percent on a base of 238,500. That is about 15.3 percent of all nonfarm payrolls in this metro on our arithmetic, a high share, and it is contracting. We note explicitly that this series counts government civilian employment and does not include uniformed military personnel, so it should not be read as a measure of the armed forces presence in this county.1
The second is construction, down 3.2 percent to 87,600. Read alongside a permit rate of 0.91 percent of stock, that argues deliveries stay moderate rather than accelerating, which is supportive for an existing owner.12
Information fell 6.5 percent, the steepest rate in the table, though on a base of only 17,200 jobs it moves little. It is worth recording only because it continues a pattern this series has now measured in five separate markets: information employment fell 8.5 percent in Portland, 6.5 percent here, 6.0 percent in Northern New Jersey, 4.9 percent in Austin and 3.3 percent in the Bay Area over comparable periods.1
- Four rows advanced, two were unchanged and five declined.
- Education and health services grew 5.1 percent, the fastest rate in the table.
- Government is about 15.3 percent of payrolls and fell 2.5 percent.
- Information fell 6.5 percent, continuing a pattern across five of our markets.
Information employment is now falling in five markets we cover at once. In San Diego it is small enough not to matter; the government decline is not.
Where we would and would not deploy
Sources 2 U.S. Census Bureau1 U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics3 California Legislature
We are more constructive on San Diego than on the other California markets in this series, and the reason is demographic rather than regulatory.
We would underwrite urban San Diego, and specifically the submarkets inland of the coastal zone boundary such as North Park and the greater Hillcrest area, along with downtown and East Village. The city is growing while the county is not, it is 52.7 percent renters, rent takes a manageable 25.4 percent of income, and the $938 monthly gap between owning and renting means a rent increase does not push a tenant toward a purchase. Permitting at 0.91 percent of stock is moderate and construction employment is falling, so competing deliveries should stay contained.21
We would not buy in Oceanside at present. It combines the two risks in this market: a coastal location, so any redevelopment carries the replacement obligation and the eviction presumption, and a population that fell 2.1 percent. Neither alone would rule it out. Together they do.23
On coastal assets generally we would transact, but only where the business plan does not depend on demolition or conversion. A stabilized coastal building held for income is a different proposition from a coastal building bought to be replaced, and the Mello Act does not touch the first. Any plan that involves clearing a building of its existing tenants inside the coastal zone should be underwritten with the replacement units costed in, not treated as a risk to be managed later.3
Three diligence items are specific to this market. Establish whether the parcel is inside the coastal zone, using the delineation under Division 20 of the Public Resources Code rather than a distance from the shore. Establish the income status of the existing tenants, because the obligation attaches to occupancy by low or moderate income households and applies where even one qualifying household occupies a shared unit. And obtain the eviction history for the twelve months before any application, because a substantial number of qualifying evictions in that window reverses the burden of proof onto you.3
Investors comparing California markets should read this alongside our Bay Area guide, where the binding constraint is a city's housing element status, and our Los Angeles guide, where it is rent stabilization.
A stabilized coastal building held for income is untouched by the Mello Act. A coastal building bought to be cleared and replaced is a different asset, and it should be priced as one.
Employment by sector
San Diego-Chula Vista-Carlsbad, CA Metropolitan Statistical Area. Figures are as published for July 2026, preliminary.
| Sector | Jobs | 12-month change |
|---|---|---|
| Total nonfarm | 1,564,100 | Pending |
| Civilian labor force | 1,634,400 | Pending |
| Education and health services | 284,300 | +5.1% |
| Other services | 60,900 | +4.3% |
| Leisure and hospitality | 212,500 | +2.0% |
| Trade, transportation and utilities | 216,700 | +0.1% |
| Mining and logging | 300 | 0.0% |
| Professional and business services | 263,500 | 0.0% |
| Manufacturing | 110,200 | -0.7% |
| Financial activities | 72,400 | -2.4% |
| Government | 238,500 | -2.5% |
| Construction | 87,600 | -3.2% |
| Information | 17,200 | -6.5% |
Source: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Economy at a Glance, San Diego-Chula Vista-Carlsbad, CA. Retrieved September 3, 2026.
The demand base
Population, tenure, incomes and housing costs for the county. These are the figures that decide whether a renter household exists, and whether it could buy instead.
| Measure | Value | As of |
|---|---|---|
| Population, San Diego County A loss of 16,400 residents. | 3,282,248 -0.5% since April 2020 | July 1, 2025 estimate |
| Population, San Diego city A gain of 21,625 residents while the county fell. | 1,406,106 +1.6% since April 2020 | July 1, 2025 estimate |
| Population, Oceanside A loss of 3,675 residents in a coastal city. | 170,483 -2.1% since April 2020 | July 1, 2025 estimate |
| Population, Chula Vista Census reports the percentage change as too small to display. | 275,533 | July 1, 2025 estimate |
| Households, San Diego County | 1,171,278 | ACS 2020-2024 |
| Housing units, San Diego County | 1,287,607 | July 1, 2025 |
| Owner-occupied rate, San Diego city The remaining 52.7 percent rent, against 45.4 percent county-wide. | 47.3% | ACS 2020-2024 |
| Median gross rent, San Diego County About 25.4 percent of median household income on our arithmetic. | $2,246 | ACS 2020-2024 |
| Monthly owner cost with a mortgage, San Diego County $938 above the median rent. | $3,184 | ACS 2020-2024 |
| Median household income, San Diego County | $106,268 | ACS 2020-2024, in 2024 dollars |
| Median home value, San Diego County About 8.0 times median household income. | $854,700 | ACS 2020-2024 |
| Median home value, San Diego city About 8.4 times the city median household income. | $906,700 | ACS 2020-2024 |
| Building permits 2025, San Diego County About 0.91 percent of stock. Census publishes permits for the county, not for the cities. | 11,707 | 2025, all residential |
| Poverty rate, San Diego County | 10.1% | ACS 2020-2024 |
| Bachelor’s degree or higher, San Diego city | 51.0% | ACS 2020-2024, age 25+ |
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, QuickFacts, San Diego County, San Diego city, Chula Vista city and Oceanside city, California. Retrieved September 3, 2026.