Our read
Qualitative judgments on a five-point scale, not licensed index values. Ranked #21 of 49 markets we cover.
The case for
- An unusual concentration of large corporate headquarters supports a high-income renter base with low turnover.
The case against
- Local rent regulation in parts of the metro, and slower population growth than the Sun Belt.
Our stanceScreening. Suburban submarkets only.
The figures that matter
- St. Paul rent increase cap
- 3% St. Paul Leg. Code 193A.04, effective January 1, 2023 · City of Saint Paul In any 12-month period, on any residential rental property, subject to two exceptions.
- The exemption date
- Dec 31, 2004 St. Paul Leg. Code 193A.08(a)(3)(a) · City of Saint Paul Exempt only if the first certificate of occupancy issued after this date.
- Rent reset on ordinary turnover
- No St. Paul Leg. Code 193A.05(a) · City of Saint Paul The cap applies through a change of tenancy unless the vacancy was for just cause.
- Minneapolis rent stabilization
- Not enacted City of Minneapolis, 2021 charter amendment · City of Minneapolis, Community Planning and Economic Development The Council has the authority. Any ordinance it passed would still go to a ballot.
- Permits as a share of stock, Ramsey
- 0.30% 2025, our arithmetic on two Census figures · U.S. Census Bureau 708 permits against 238,541 units, second only to Cook County, Illinois at 0.22 percent.
- Permits as a share of stock, Hennepin
- 0.59% 2025, our arithmetic on two Census figures · U.S. Census Bureau 3,491 permits against 587,984 units, roughly double the Ramsey rate.
- Population change since 2020, Ramsey
- -1.9% Hennepin +0.3% July 1, 2025 estimate · U.S. Census Bureau One of several counties in our coverage to lose population, alongside Los Angeles, Cook County and Milwaukee County.
- Effective cap rate at entry
- Pending Not held · U.S. Census Bureau Transaction cap rates require a licensed subscription we do not hold. We will not estimate one.
Where we would and would not transact
The number that decides a St. Paul deal is a date
Sources 3 City of Saint Paul4 City of Saint Paul, Department of Safety and Inspections
St. Paul is the only city in our national coverage that has enacted rent stabilization by its own ordinance. Washington has since capped rent increases across an entire state by statute, which we cover separately. Voters approved it on November 2, 2021, the City Council amended it in April and September 2022 and again in May 2025, and it has been in force since January 1, 2023. The current text is published by the City as Chapter 193A of the Legislative Code.3
The cap itself is Section 193A.04: "No landlord shall demand, charge, or accept from a tenant a rent increase within a 12-month period that is in excess of three (3) percent of the existing monthly rent for any residential rental property."
Three mechanics decide what that means for an owner, and each one matters more than the headline number.
First, there is no ordinary vacancy decontrol. Section 193A.05(a) provides that the limitation "shall apply if there is a change of tenancy in a residential rental unit and the vacancy is not supported by just cause." The cap follows the unit. A tenant leaving of their own accord does not reset anything. Only a just cause vacancy lifts it, and then Section 193A.05(b)(1) permits an increase of no more than "eight (8) percent plus the Consumer Price Index above the existing rent."
Second, exceeding the cap requires an application. Section 193A.06 provides a reasonable return on investment process, and the ordinance is explicit that the landlord "shall have the burden of demonstrating that the rent increase above three (3) percent is necessary," and that any such increase "shall not take effect until a final determination is issued." You do not raise the rent and defend it later. You apply, you carry the burden, and you wait.
Third, and this is the one that decides whether a St. Paul deal is investable at all: Section 193A.08(a)(3)(a) provides that "[t]he limitation on rent increases shall not apply to newly constructed residential rental properties that were issued their first building certificate of occupancy after December 31, 2004." A parallel provision at 193A.08(a)(3)(b) extends the same exemption to non-residential conversions first occupied after that date.2
So the entire regulatory question in St. Paul collapses to one line in a certificate of occupancy. A 1974 garden apartment is capped at 3 percent a year with no reset on turnover. The building next to it, first occupied in 2006, is not capped at all. That date runs straight through the middle of the vintage that value-add multifamily is built on, and it is the first thing we would establish about any St. Paul asset, before rent rolls, before expenses, before anything.2
- The cap is 3 percent in any 12-month period.
- It continues to apply through an ordinary change of tenancy.
- A just cause vacancy permits 8 percent plus CPI, and nothing more.2
- Exceeding the cap requires an application on which the landlord bears the burden.
- A building is exempt only if first occupied after December 31, 2004.
Before the rent roll, before the expenses, establish one thing: the date on the first certificate of occupancy. After December 31, 2004 and the ordinance does not touch you. On or before it, and 3 percent is your ceiling.
Two counties, one labor market, one ordinance between them
Sources 2 U.S. Census Bureau5 City of Minneapolis, Community Planning and Economic Development
Across the river, Minneapolis voters approved a charter amendment in November 2021 authorizing the City Council to regulate rents on private residential property. The Council has not enacted an ordinance. The City of Minneapolis states that it "may consider a rent stabilization policy through the City's legislative process," and that "[i]f a rent stabilization ordinance is passed, it will need to go on a ballot for approval from Minneapolis voters." Rent stabilization is not in effect in Minneapolis, and enacting it would take two steps, not one.5
That leaves something we do not get anywhere else in this series: two adjacent counties inside one metropolitan statistical area, sharing a labor market, a state, a tax code and a climate, that diverged on a single housing policy in the same month of the same year. Here is how they have since performed on the two measures a multifamily owner cares about most.
Ramsey County, which enacted, permitted 708 residential units in 2025 against a stock of 238,541, about 0.30 percent on our arithmetic. Hennepin County, which did not, permitted 3,491 against 587,984 units, about 0.59 percent. Hennepin builds at roughly twice the relative rate. Ramsey’s 0.30 percent is the second lowest permitting rate we have measured, behind only Cook County, Illinois at 0.22 percent, and below Los Angeles at roughly 0.6 percent.2
On population, Ramsey fell 1.9 percent from its April 2020 base to 541,623, while Hennepin rose 0.3 percent to 1,284,784. Ramsey is one of a small group of counties in our coverage to have lost population since 2020, alongside Los Angeles, which fell 3.2 percent and is the only other market we cover with binding rent regulation, Cook County, Illinois, which fell 1.6 percent, and Milwaukee County, also down 1.6.2
Ramsey and Los Angeles both lost population since 2020, and they are the two markets we cover with binding rent regulation. Cook County lost population too, without it. We report that pattern. We do not claim it is causal, and the next section explains why.
It would be easy, and it would be intellectually dishonest, to present the previous section as a clean demonstration that rent stabilization suppressed construction in St. Paul. We do not think the data supports that claim, and an investor who acts on the strong version of it will misprice something. Three problems with it are worth stating plainly.
The first is that Ramsey and Hennepin are not comparable canvases. Ramsey is the most densely populated and most fully built-out county in Minnesota, roughly a third of Hennepin’s size by land area while holding more than 40 percent of its housing units. A built-out county permits less than a county with greenfield edges, and it would do so under any policy regime. Some meaningful share of that permitting gap is geography, not law.2
The second is timing, and it cuts directly against the simple story. The original 2021 ordinance contained no new construction exemption, which is precisely the design that economists expect to chill development. But the exemption for buildings first occupied after December 31, 2004 was added by the September 2022 amendment, effective with the ordinance on January 1, 2023, and broadened again in May 2025. By 2025, the year these permit figures cover, new construction in St. Paul was already fully exempt from the cap. A developer building in Ramsey County today is not subject to the 3 percent limit. If the ordinance is still suppressing new supply, it is doing so through expectations and financing conditions rather than through its operative terms.23
The third is that both counties carry a downtown office problem, a post-2020 migration pattern, and a construction financing environment that changed for everyone. Isolating one variable across two counties is not something two data points can do.
What we will say is narrower and, we think, more useful. Ramsey County has the second lowest permitting rate we have measured and one of a handful of population declines in our coverage; it is also one of only two jurisdictions we cover with binding rent regulation. That is a pattern worth pricing as a risk, and it is not a proof. The specific, defensible underwriting consequence is not about the county at all. It is about the certificate of occupancy date on the specific building, which is a fact rather than an inference.
- Ramsey is far denser and more built out, which suppresses permitting under any regime.
- New construction in St. Paul has been exempt since January 1, 2023, so the 2025 figures do not test the chilling hypothesis cleanly.
- Downtown office exposure and post-2020 migration affect both counties.
The economy underneath the policy argument
Sources 1 U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics2 U.S. Census Bureau
Strip the ordinance out and this is a large, diversified, high-income metro that grows slowly and does not break. Total nonfarm employment reached 2,029,500 in July 2026, up 1.5 percent, on a civilian labor force of 2,084,900. Unemployment was 4.4 percent, unchanged from June.1
Education and health services is the anchor at 398,700 jobs, close to a fifth of all employment, and it grew 3.6 percent. Construction grew 7.1 percent. Manufacturing, which in most of our markets is flat or shrinking, grew 2.4 percent on 203,000 jobs. Government added 1.6 percent and leisure and hospitality 2.0 percent.1
The weak side is concentrated and it is the office economy. Information fell 6.7 percent, financial activities fell 2.7 percent, and trade, transportation and utilities, the second largest sector at 335,000, fell 1.1 percent. Those are the sectors that fill the two downtowns, which is why we treat both central business districts differently from the suburbs on the map above.1
The household figures are strong on the Hennepin side and solid on the Ramsey side. Hennepin median household income is $97,653 with 54.1 percent of adults holding a bachelor’s degree or higher, against $81,568 and 45.6 percent in Ramsey. Rent takes about 18.3 percent of median income in Hennepin and 19.6 percent in Ramsey on our arithmetic, among the lighter burdens in this series.2
The rent-versus-own gap is the strongest single demand signal here. Hennepin ownership costs $2,255 a month with a mortgage against $1,487 median rent, a gap of $768, behind only Los Angeles at $1,206 and Cook County, Illinois at $835, and ahead of Harris County, Texas at $754. In Ramsey the gap is $646. Home values sit at roughly 4.0 times median household income in both counties. Owning is not out of reach here; it is simply, every month, considerably more expensive than renting, and that is what sustains a renter base of 37.3 percent of Hennepin households and 39.4 percent of Ramsey households.2
We would buy in Hennepin County and we would buy post-2004 product in St. Paul. We would not underwrite pre-2005 St. Paul stock on a conventional value-add rent thesis, because the instrument that thesis depends on, the ability to reset rents to market on turnover, does not exist there. Our method is set out in how we evaluate a market, and the full ranked list is on the markets index.2
- What date did the first certificate of occupancy issue, and do we have the document?
- If the building is in St. Paul and predates 2005, what does the model assume about turnover, and does it wrongly assume a market reset?
- Has a reasonable return on investment application ever been filed on this asset, and what was determined?
- Are any vacancies in the trailing twelve months recorded as just cause, and is that documented well enough to support an 8 percent plus CPI increase?
- If the asset is in Minneapolis, how is the risk of a future ordinance priced, given that it would require both a Council vote and a ballot?3
- How much of the submarket’s employment sits in information, financial activities or downtown office space?
- What rent growth is assumed against a $768 gap to ownership in Hennepin, or $646 in Ramsey?2
- What share of the projected return comes from operations rather than the exit?
A value-add thesis depends on resetting rent to market when a unit turns over. In pre-2005 St. Paul, that instrument does not exist. Everything else in the pro forma can be right and the plan will still not work.
Employment by sector
Minneapolis-St. Paul-Bloomington, MN-WI Metropolitan Statistical Area. Figures are as published for July 2026, preliminary.
| Sector | Jobs | 12-month change |
|---|---|---|
| Education and health services | 398,700 | +3.6% |
| Trade, transportation and utilities | 335,000 | -1.1% |
| Professional and business services | 291,000 | +1.1% |
| Government | 247,100 | +1.6% |
| Manufacturing | 203,000 | +2.4% |
| Leisure and hospitality | 200,600 | +2.0% |
| Financial activities | 141,500 | -2.7% |
| Mining, logging and construction | 108,900 | +7.1% |
| Other services | 79,900 | -0.2% |
| Information | 23,800 | -6.7% |
Source: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Economy at a Glance, Minneapolis-St. Paul-Bloomington, MN-WI. Retrieved September 2, 2026.
The demand base
Population, tenure, incomes and housing costs for the county. These are the figures that decide whether a renter household exists, and whether it could buy instead.
| Measure | Value | As of |
|---|---|---|
| Population, Hennepin County | 1,284,784 +0.3% since April 2020 | July 1, 2025 estimate |
| Population, Ramsey County | 541,623 -1.9% since April 2020 | July 1, 2025 estimate |
| Housing units, Hennepin | 587,984 | July 1, 2025 |
| Housing units, Ramsey | 238,541 | July 1, 2025 |
| Owner-occupied rate, Hennepin The remaining 37.3 percent rent. | 62.7% | ACS 2020-2024 |
| Owner-occupied rate, Ramsey The remaining 39.4 percent rent. | 60.6% | ACS 2020-2024 |
| Median gross rent, Hennepin | $1,487 | ACS 2020-2024 |
| Median gross rent, Ramsey | $1,329 | ACS 2020-2024 |
| Owner cost with a mortgage, Hennepin $768 above the median rent, behind Los Angeles and Cook County. | $2,255 | ACS 2020-2024 |
| Owner cost with a mortgage, Ramsey $646 above the median rent. | $1,975 | ACS 2020-2024 |
| Median household income, Hennepin | $97,653 | ACS 2020-2024, in 2024 dollars |
| Median household income, Ramsey | $81,568 | ACS 2020-2024, in 2024 dollars |
| Median home value, Hennepin About 4.0 times median household income. | $392,900 | ACS 2020-2024 |
| Median home value, Ramsey About 4.0 times median household income. | $326,600 | ACS 2020-2024 |
| Building permits 2025, Hennepin | 3,491 | 2025, all residential |
| Building permits 2025, Ramsey | 708 | 2025, all residential |
| Bachelor’s degree or higher, Hennepin | 54.1% | ACS 2020-2024, age 25+ |
| Bachelor’s degree or higher, Ramsey | 45.6% | ACS 2020-2024, age 25+ |
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, QuickFacts, Ramsey County and Hennepin County, Minnesota. Retrieved September 2, 2026.